The UN office on Drugs and Crime reported in their 2010 World Report that South Africa is the largest International player in the Import and Export of drugs. Since then drugs have escalated out of control due to the fact that our Law Enforcement Agencies refuse to investigate many of the drug cartels operating in South Africa.
It is with no surprise that we find a growing youth bulge, incredibly phenomenal rates of unemployment, poverty widening gaps in inequality, challenges with education, electricity and labour disputes that are spiralling dismally out of control.
The reality of our situation is not statistical or academic; it is based on the insatiable greed of colonialists who continue to mutilate the African continent and condemn it, through ungodly indebtedness that the continent, regardless of its mineral wealth, continues to pay at the expense of ravenous consumerism.
The epitaph on the granite base of the statue in the English town of Bedford simply states, “No white person has done more for South Africa than Trevor Huddleston,” the words of Nelson Mandela.
I don’t know if Father Trevor, as we used to call him in Sophiatown, would be totally comfortable with the fact that a 12-word précis of his life should include the descriptor, “white”. Why did Madiba not use a nationalist or professional reference instead, such as, “No English person” or, “No Christian person”?
The people of Eastern Cape are dying. They die because the political elites plunder our public coffers and take the precious resources that are supposed to deliver the vital health services our people have a constitutional right to.
Former national police commissioner Bheki Cele responds to “the latest rant” by (DA minister of police) Dianne Kohler Barnard.
Johannesburg - For all of the three years that I served as national police commissioner, the SAPS and I were subjected to an almost daily barrage of insults from (DA minister of police) Dianne Kohler Barnard.
At the time, I could not respond to her without running the risk of being accused of furthering the interests of my political party, the ANC, in violation of Section 46(1)(d) of the SAPS Service Act.
In 1896, as part of a rising anti-Indian agitation, white settlers in the colony of Natal formed two populist organisations to pressure the government. Both the European Protection Association and Colonial Patriotic Union garnered widespread support and within a few months the Union had collected 5514 signatures to a petition requesting the government ‘to adopt measures which will prevent the influx of Asiatic races into this colony’.
African rickshaw pullers, or amahashi (horses), were an indispensible part of Durban’s transport system in the early twentieth century; and by the time this postcard was produced by Sallo Epstein & Co in about 1907 their distinctive and elaborate costumes had already become a tourist attraction.
April 27 marks the 20th anniversary of South Africa's first democratic elections. Most of us remember those iconic images of citizens queuing up in long, snaking lines to vote Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress (ANC) into power. It was an extraordinary moment, replete with hope and pregnant with expectation, enough to supply years' worth of the jubilant narrative that many have grown accustomed to hearing about South Africa.
As the African National Congress (ANC) pursues a “talk left, walk right strategy”, Stephen Hurt of Oxford Brookes University analyses what “the left” needs to do to become a potent force in South Africa’s politics once again.
Two weeks ago, “Comrades” Essop Pahad and Ronnie Kasrils disagreed publicly on how members of the African National Congress should vote in next Wednesday’s election. This moment had long been coming.
The posture of the ANC as a united organisation with robust internal discussion of issues was yet again in question. The disagreement, spilling into the public domain will have a progressively corrosive effect on the ANC’s dominance of South African politics.