IN the aftermath of Zanu PF founder and former minister Enos Nkala’s death, debate has been raging about his role in Zimbabwe’s political history, particularly the liberation struggle, as well as his contribution to nation-building, and also repression in the mid-south-western regions immediately after Independence in 1980.
IN THE week when Pretoria University philosophy lecturer Louise Mabille had to resign her post after expressing racist views it was easy to feel depressed about the academic world. But at the same time, as news of Mabille’s disgusting racism was breaking, I had been through one of the most important books I’ve read in years – Gillian Hart’s Rethinking the South African Crisis.
Extracts from ‘The New Radicals, A Generational Memoir of the 1970s’ by Glenn Moss
The imposing figure sitting at the fire had a laugh that came from deep within his chest. He had consumed as much cheap red wine as the rest of us, maybe more. Chortling, he moved over, put his arms around my waist and lifted me up. ‘This one,’ roared Steve Biko, ‘this one understands.’
On Africa Day (25th May) we celebrate the hard-fought achievement of our freedom from European colonial powers, as well as African Unity. How important is our history to our unity? And what does being united entail? Some thoughts.
'The People Of Africa Are Crying For Unity' - Kwame Nkrumah. African Liberation Day was founded in 1958 when Kwame Nkrumah convened the First Conference of Independent States. He gave one of the greatest speeches of his life on 24th May 1963 when 32 independent African countries met in Addis Ababa to find ways to unite the continent.
“I don’t understand why all these statues are still there”, remarked a new acquaintance in reference to the classical apartheid and colonial monuments dotted around the city of Cape Town. I often have to field this question after explaining my work on heritage formation and commemorative culture in post-apartheid South Africa. The short answer is that the state’s abandonment of iconoclasm—except for the most egregious cases—stems from the values of reconciliation and nation-building that inform the democratic dispensation. Our culture of monumental tolerance goes back to apartheid.
On June 6 1944, more than 150,000 Allied troops landed in Normandy. Their number rose to 1.5m over the next six weeks. With them came millions of tons of equipment, ranging from munitions, vehicles, food, and fuel to prefabricated floating harbours.
What we call one another and how we identify ourselves in South Africa is an expression of a complex relationship of sameness and difference, belonging and exclusion. By RAYMOND SUTTNER.
How we are “named” and how we identify ourselves is not whimsical, but carries the weight of historical experience.
Because terminology is seldom neutral we need to examine why some usage is adopted or disappears and what purpose using or not using one or other term serves.
THE state of the nation address many in the mainstream want to hear is not the one the country needs to hear. Tuesday’s address should help answer two important questions.
Does the new government want to bargain with the business sector and other interests to chart a new path for the economy, or does it believe it can fix problems on its own? Are poverty and inequality still high on its agenda or has its attention turned elsewhere? Much of the debate wants to hear an address that does not "waffle" about policy but promises to "get things done".
On Monday 17th March, I attended a conference to showcase PhD research organised by the Africa Research Student Network, which provides a forum for London-based, Africa-focused research students to discuss and learn from one another’s work. The keynote address was delivered by Dr. Funmi Olonisakin, founding Director of the African Leadership Centre; here are five things to remember when researching Africa, inspired by Dr Olonisakin’s talk.
1. Africa does not exist in a vacuum